International CHT Commission's letter to the Prime Minister, regarding CHT Land Dispute Resolution Commission (CHTLDRC) Chairman’s unilateral decleration

International CHT Commission's letter to the Prime Minister, regarding CHT Land Dispute Resolution Commission (CHTLDRC) Chairman’s unilateral decleration to hold hearings on land disputes in violation of the 1997 CHT Accord

Chtc Letter Pm Chtldrc Feb2012

Following is the letter that CHT Land Dispute Resolution Commission (CHTLDRC) Chairman issued calling a hearing on CHT land dispute:

Land Com Letter (20 Feb 2012)

In a press statement, PCJSS; a political party of the Indigenous Jummas', who signed the "CHT Peace accord" with the Bangladesh Government, termed this activity as illegal and one-sided initiative by chairman of CHT Land Dispute Resolution Commission; and said the hearing is in violation of the 1997 CHT Accord. It is feared that, if the Commission carries out such initiative without amendment of the Land Commission Act, where traditional land rights of the indigenous peoples' has not been recognized, such initiative would make a lot of indigenous peoples landless. 

Another political party of the indigenous Jummas', UPDF; in a press statement claimed this activity as nothing but a conspiracy to legalize the illegal settlement of Bengali settlers, who were brought and settled in the land of indigenous Jummas' by the Government and Military, in the last 33 years.

Both parties have called upon the government to stop hearing of CHT Land Dispute Resolution Commission. Otherwise, threatened for mass movement. 

Tension in CHT over land disputes

 

 

On 27th February; Democratic Youth Front, Hill Student Federation and Hill Women's Federation brought out a protest rally in Khagrachari, in protest of illegal & unilateral decision of land hearing.

 

On 28th February; elected indigenous Jumma representatives of Khagrachari, arranged a human chain in protest of the decision of land hearing.

Tension is brewing over a letter notifying that hearings on cases will be held to resolve decades-old land disputes in three Chittagong hill districts. The Chittagong Hill Tracts Land Dispute Commission (CHTLDC) issued the letter on February 20, signed by assistant judge of CHTLDC, Mohammad Abu Hanif, to hold hearings on land dispute cases on February 28 and 29 at the commission offices in Khagrachari.

It drew an angry response from the Parbattya Chattagram Jana Samhati Samity (PCJSS) on Sunday. In a statement it urged the CHTLDC to postpone the hearings until the CHTLDC Act, 2001 was amended.

If the hearings are not postponed on Tuesday, the CHTLDC will be held responsible for any untoward incidents in the Chittagong Hill Tracts, the PCJSS stated in its statement.

The PCJSS also described the CHTLDC decision to hold hearings as a violation of the decision of the CHT accord implementation committee, which declared on December 26 last year that hearings on pending cases would not be held until the CHTLDC Act, 2001 was amended.

The Samity statement further accused the CHTLDC of taking unilateral decisions in this regard, which, it warned, would foment troubles in the region, hindering the process of amending the CHTLDC Act.

CHTLDC Chairman Justice Khademul Islam Chowdhury, who has already arrived at Khagarchari, told The Independent on Sunday evening that the commission would organize a press conference to let the people inform that it would start the hearings from Tuesday.

Earlier, the CHTLDC could not start the hearing in the face of strong protests by the Samity, which demanded an amendment to the Act.

A total of 5,000 of cases were awaiting disposal, Justice Chowdhury said.

A large number of cases, both from the indigenous and Bengali communities, have been filed with the CHTLDC till date, the commission sources said.

“A full-fledged court was set up in Khagrachari to dispose of the land disputes in the CHT,” the CHTLDC chairman said adding, “Two sub-courts have also been set up in Rangamati and Bandarban, since he joined the commission on July 27, 2009.”

Justice Chowdhury also said all necessary arrangements had been made to hold the hearings at Khagrachari.

But progress on this front is hardly visible as the commission cannot work.

“Traditional land rights and customary law of the indigenous people will be followed to settle the disputes. I would also urge the government and local political parties for greater cooperation to resolve the decades-old land disputes plaguing the region,” CHTLDC chairman Justice Chowdhury added.

On the land law, he said the government and the PCJSS should sincerely work together towards a peaceful resolution of it.

courtesy: theindependentbd

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Following is the report from the daily star:

Protesters call to stop land commission hearing

Leaders of three hill organisations yesterday called upon the government to stop today's hearing of CHT Land Dispute Resolution Commission.

They were holding a protest rally at Larma Square in district.

They also demanded introduction of the traditional land law of the hill people in CHT and urged the government to suspend all activities of the CHT Land Dispute Resolution Commission.

They also demanded removal of the chairman of the commission Justice Khademul Islam Chowdhury, terming him a controversial man.

Chief organiser of UPDF Khagrachhari Sadar unit Charansing Tanchayanga, central member of Democratic Youth Forum Jiko Tripura, president of Khagrachhari district Pahari Chhatra Parishad unit Aprushi Marma and central leader of Hill Women's Federation Konika Dewan spoke at the rally.

Later, they brought out a protest procession which paraded Larma Square to Shanibar bazzar area as hundreds of local people joined them.

Demanding the same, protest rally and procession programmes were also held in different upazilas of Khagrachhari and Rangamati districts on the day.

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courtesy: the daily star

The 'Indigenous' Experiment: an article by HANA SHAMS AHMED

The 'Indigenous' Experiment

Bengalis, who have struggled for the right to self-determination based on their ethnic and linguistic identities, should empathise with their own ethnic minorities, argues HANA SHAMS AHMED

Photo: Mahmudul Hasan

“The nation as understood by the nationalist, is a substitute god, nationalism of this sort might be called ethnolatry.”

- Hugh Seton-Watson (Nations and States, An Enquiry into the Origins of Nations and the Politics of Nationalism)

Ever since I started working with indigenous peoples' rights activists, I have come to expect a broad range of reactions when I talk about my work -- from a very blank look to one of complete contempt and a list of reasons why the activists are doing barabari (overindulging) about issues that go against the state.

Why advocating for the rights of people who are citizens of the same country equates to 'anti-state' activities is anyone's guess. But anyone who thought that Bengalis, after having struggled for the right to self-determination based on their ethnic and linguistic identities from the start of Partition until the birth of Bangladesh, have learned to treat the minorities of the new country with special care and understanding, has been completely wrong. And the very government that has always promised to bring harmony in ethnic relations and respect, and to ensure the rights of minorities with swanky peace accords, election manifestos, UNESCO awards, and cravings for Nobel prizes, has in fact been doing the exact opposite.

Each of us is a Venn diagram of multiple identities, and which identity gets preference over another is only for the self to decide. If we start to discriminate against a person based on one particular aspect of his/her identity, then we really limit ourselves in how we socialise with each other. And we Bengalis are very good on that front. We go far beyond the ethnic, and into geography (“The people of Noakhali are like…”), class (“… but these clothes are for garment workers!”), religion (“… but the Hindus are so…”) and so many other generalisations based on a singular identity. A detailed study of why intolerance and suspicion of anyone culturally different from us are so ingrained in our national consciousness is beyond the scope of this article and beyond the understanding of this writer. But unless we actively fight state-sponsored prejudice towards indigenous peoples, we will be turning our own people against each other.

Particularly for the Adibashis living in the Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT), state-led and social discriminations have impinged on the survival of these Bangladeshis. Ever since the Adibashis in the CHT began their struggle for self-determination in the 1970s after Sheikh Mujib's call for cultural assimilation, a simplistic perception has been planted very carefully and methodically into the Bengali/Bangladeshi nationalist psyche that the political activities of the Paharis were threatening the sovereignty of the country, that foreign NGOs and the UN were instigating their demand for rights, that there is a covert process of Christianisation going on in the CHT, that the Adibashis have loyalties on both sides of the border, and that the military presence is necessary to keep surveillance on their activities at all times.

Amartya Sen,in his book Identity and Violence: The Illusion of Destiny talks about the art of constructing hatred, where he says “…The art of constructing hatred takes the form of invoking the magical power of some allegedly predominant identity that drowns other affiliations, and in a conveniently bellicose form can also overpower any human sympathy or natural kindness that we may normally have.” This art comes from a section of the media who have busied themselves in presenting this struggle for self-determination using a few politically motivated key-words as evidence -- 'separatism', 'possession of arms', 'western imperialism', 'East Timorisation', 'South Sudanisation', 'Christianisation', 'UN-isation' etc.

But what are the media to do when the state itself is in the process of alienating a section of our own citizens as the 'others'?

Pakistan's cricketer-turned-politician Imran Khan recently made a public revelation about the 1971 War of Liberation in an interview with the Indian magazine Caravan1. He said that until he arrived in East Pakistan, he had been completely oblivious to the nature of the struggle of the Bengalis, and that he had accepted the version of the story given out by the West Pakistani state machinery that the Bengalis' struggle was an India-driven rebellion. In the interview he mentions overhearing instructions from West Pakistani authorities to use violence against Bengalis to deflate the rebellion. He also expressed his dismay that Pakistanis did not learn a lesson from their experience in 1971 and thus continue to persecute various peoples within present-day Pakistan. He believed that if the perpetrators of violence in 1971 had been brought to justice, Pakistan would perhaps have proven to be a more tolerant state.

Pakistani journalist Afnan Khan of the Daily Times expressed a similar dismay in a piece published in Forum magazine on the West Pakistan Army's atrocities2. Just as they had hoped they would eliminate the Bengali rebellion in 1971 with an iron fist in the form of killing, torture, abduction and rape, so they are carrying out the same acts against the Baloch. Just as the Bengalis' initial demands were for equal rights and the right to self-determination, so were those of the Baloch.


But what about Bangladesh? Has Bangladesh learnt a lesson? Does our Constitution reflect equal treatment to all our citizens irrespective of religion, ethnicity, gender, class or geographical background? And do government policies and regulations respect cultural and religious pluralism?


Unfortunately it's not only Pakistan but also Bangladesh which has not learned a lesson from its own 1971 experience.

Photo: Mahmudul Hasan

It was great to have UNESCO declare February 21 as the International Mother Language Day on November 17, 1999. The world had finally recognised the Bengalis' struggle against the oppression of the Urdu-speaking rulers of West Pakistan. The struggle was not just against the attempt to wipe out the Bengali language, but also against the attempt to destroy the Bengali culture and cleanse East Pakistan of all Hindus. Among the various flaws of the Partition was the idea that that two discrete terrains 1500 kilometres apart with so very different languages and cultures would hold together on the basis of religious nationalism. In any case, the West Pakistanis never considered the Bengalis 'true Muslims' because of perceived Hindu cultural influence on them. The Pakistan Experiment3, as Willem Van Schendel coined the term for Partition, was destined to fail.

Despite there being dozens of languages spoken in Pakistan, Prime Minister Liaquat Ali Khan claimed in parliament after Partition that it was necessary for a nation to have a state language, and that it should be Urdu. Mohammad Ali Jinnah, governor-general of Pakistan also made the same public statement during his visit to Dhaka in March 1948, which enraged and disenchanted the Bengali public from the governing elite of Pakistan. The Pakistan government wanted to take away the Bengalis' right to identify themselves as Bengalis. Because Bengalis constituted the majority of Pakistan's population, they were always seen by West Pakistan as a security threat, and as is obvious from Imran Khan's revelation, a good propaganda machine always worked to present them as threats to sovereignty. This served the purpose of hiding the state's bigotry and human rights violations against the Bengali people.

It was this chauvinistic nationalism that othered the Bengalis from the West Pakistanis, and made it apparent that this marriage of the two Pakistans was not meant to last. Is it a surprise that the same propaganda is used against indigenous minorities of Bangladesh?

The Bangladesh government systematically uses the same security lens and ethnic-nationalist and sovereignty indoctrination to further sideline the Adibashis. The latest government policy of alienation and bigotry in the CHT is a planting of territorialism from foreigners. And the more the UN and other international eyes are focusing on the reports of the discrimination and human rights violations, the more territorial and threatened the government seems to become.


Recently an American national who was visiting Bandarban to oversee the work of a Pahari project was deported from the district when he was found talking to a Pahari journalist and some friends whom he knew from before. The reason given to him was that his activities were found to be 'suspicious in nature'. A British national was also evicted from the same district in August 2011 for taking part in a solidarity demonstration on World Indigenous Day. Foreigners are handed a 'dos and don'ts' list when they enter the CHT -- not to make any cash endowments without the Deputy Commissioner's prior knowledge, not to allure local people to convert their religion, not to stay at any tribal residence, to inform the police about every area they plan to visit and the people they talk to in advance. There are reports that hotels have been asked not to take any bookings from foreigners without informing the DC. In the meantime, NGOs have been asked to submit reports about the number of Bengali and Pahari employees in their offices and the number of Bengali and Pahari beneficiaries of their programme.

By keeping an aura of threats in place the government achieves its objective of keeping the area under tight security, breeding a culture of impunity and letting various interest groups have their way. It was the same aura of a security threat that resulted in the area not having mobile phone networks until 2008. Such fears have since been proven unfounded. What the mobile phone prohibition, restrictions on foreigners' activities and other such policies achieve is to provoke public paranoia and create what Noam Chomsky calls the 'bewildered herd'4 to explain how the mass media is used as a propaganda tool to manufacture public opinion to serve the agenda of those in the ruling power structure, which thereby does not have to use any direct coercion.


Foreign Minister Dipu Moni's paranoia about foreigners and the CHT began after the Baghaihat arson attacks in February 2010, when the European Union issued a statement saying that it was aware of allegations that the incident involved army personnel and labourers employed by army.5 From then on her Ministry has been fighting tooth and nail to establish that there are no indigenous peoples in Bangladesh. Beyond her misinterpretation of the term, pointed out by various experts at various forums and her own application of the term at Adibashi solidarity gatherings before being elected to office, her approach of sidelining the Adibashis and taking a unilateral stand proved once again that the Government was taking a complete U-turn over the Adibashi issue. The 15th amendment has revived Bengali and Muslim nationalism by first inserting the phrase “Bismillah-ar-Rahman-ar-Rahim” before the preamble to the Constitution, by making Islam the state religion of Bangladesh and by saying that “the people of Bangladesh shall be known as Bangalees as a nation and the citizens of Bangladesh shall be known as Bangladeshis”6. If all the people of Bangladesh are 'Bangalees', then are the indigenous peoples not the people of Bangladesh?


It would be a grave mistake to think that George Orwell's 1984 is taking place only inside the CHT. The High Court recently ordered the Inspector General of Police (IGP) to file a case against a Jahangirnagar University teacher for making a derogatory comment about the Prime Minister on Facebook.7 However, derogatory comments about the leader of the opposition apparently went unchallenged. A head teacher from Pirojpur was recently arrested by police after a copy of Taslima Nasrin's book Lajja ('Shame') was discovered in the college library.8


The Bangladeshi government's first mistake after 1971 was to take a confrontational approach towards the Paharis. It seems the same people who were ready to give up their lives for the protection of their cultural and language rights under Pakistani rule were now as the majority asking the minorities of Bangladesh to give up their own languages and cultures. The oppressed had become the oppressor.

Ever since the Awami League-led government came to power in 2009, indigenous peoples of the CHT have been urging the Government to implement the 1997 'Peace' Accord. During the insurgency there were many allegations of massacres and mass rapes of indigenous villagers by the security forces. It was not until much later that some of these attacks were reported. Since there was a managed local media blackout, it was the international human rights organisations that brought it before the eyes of the world. So, it should not surprise any of us that the indigenous peoples are increasingly looking towards international human rights activists for solidarity and support when much of it is drying up within our own country.


After 40 years of independence, perhaps it is time to rethink our idea of nationalism and make it more inclusive and less chauvinistic.



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1 'Pakistan learnt no lesson from 1971: Imran relates govt's treatment of Pashtuns to Bangalees', The Daily Star front page, 15 January 2012.


2 'Afnan Khan, 'On Lessons yet to be Learnt and an Apology Pending', Forum magazine, December 2011.


3 'Willem Van Schendel, A History of Bangladesh, Cambridge University Press, 2009.


4 'Noam Chomsky, 'Media Control: The Spectacular Achievements of Propaganda', 2002.


5 'Dhaka terms EU claims baseless', The Daily Star, 1 March 2010.


6 'Article 6(2) of the Constitution.


7 'File sedition case against JU teacher, HC asks IGP', The Daily Star, 8 January 2012.


8 'Bangladesh teacher arrested over banned book', AFP, 4 January 2012










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Hana Shams Ahmed is a member of Drishtipat Writers' Collective. She can be reached at hana@drishtipat.org.




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courtesy: thedailystar

Indigenous Jumma girl gang raped by Bengali settlers: report from Kapaeeng

Indigenous Jumma girl gang raped by Bengali settlers: report from Kapaeeng

On 1 February 2012 a 15-year old indigenous Jumma girl was allegedly gang raped by a group of Bengali settlers at Moghaichari area of Dulyatali under Laxmichari upazila in Khagrachari district. The victim was recovered from the spot in senseless condition and taken to Khagrachari district hospital.

It is learnt that the victim is a daughter of Mr. Naramya Chakma and Mrs. Robi Bala Chakma of Thailya Karbari Para of Dulyatali union under Laxmichari upazila in Khagrachari district.

It is reported that on that day in the morning time the girl accompanied by one of her cousin Mr. Jibon Chakma (19) was going to Sialya Para of Ghilachari union under Naniarchar upazila in Rangamati district by a hired motor-bike that was being driven by a Bengali driver from Rangamati.

Around 11:00 a.m. when they reached the Moghaichari area of Dulyatali union they were stopped by 7 Bengali settler youths riding on 4 motor-bikes. Of them 4 Bengali youths detained and beat Jibon Chakma and the motor-bike driver. On the other, the other 3 Bengali youths took the girl forcibly to nearby bush and gang raped her one after another.  At that time, the culprits took away a golden chain and a hair ring from the girl and a mobile set and taka 15,000 from Jibon Chakma.

Hearing the outcry of the victims, nearby villagers informed the police. Around 1:30 p.m. police rushed to the spot and rescued the victims.

A case was filed by Mr. Arun Chakma, elder brother of the girl, under Woman and Children Oppression Prevention Act against 7 unidentified persons with the Laxmichari police station. Case no. is 01, date- 01/02/2012.  Till preparing the report, none of the culprits was arrested by police.

After filing the case, the girl was sent to Khagrachari district Hospital for medical test. On that day, around 9:00 p.m. the girl was admitted to the Hospital. Till preparing the report, no medical result was found. The head of the medical board fro medical test Dr. Sanjib Tripura denied to pass any comment on medical test of the victim. However, Officer-in-Charge (OC) of Laxmichari police station said that negative result has found in the test.

According to locals, the suspect culprits are- (1) Md Shamim (18) son of Ratan Mian, (2) Md Shahidul (24) son of Khalil Mollah, (3) Md. Rafiqul (22) son of Imran Ali and (4) Md. Reaz (18) son of Ibrahim of Moghaichari cluster village.

It is worth mentioning that recently violence against indigenous women is intensified by Bengali settlers. The biggest concern in rape and other violence against indigenous women is the lack of access to justice and absolute impunity that perpetrators enjoy. In 2011, 5 indigenous women, of them 3 from the CHT and 2 from the plain lands, were killed after rape while 11 indigenous women were raped. Except 1 woman from the plain lands, the rest of the raped women were from the CHT region. In addition, attempts to rape were made on 8 indigenous women including 1 from the plain lands while 5 women (4 from the CHT and 1 from the plain lands) were abducted. Almost all violence against indigenous Jumma women in the CHT were allegedly committed by Bengali settlers.

General student of Khagrachari College, staged a demonstration and human chain in protest against the incident

Three DYF leaders arrested in Matiranga

THREE leaders of the Democratic Youth Forum have been arrested by
military in Matiranga under Khagrachari district, according to a press
release issued by DYF.

The arrested DYF leaders are Ziko Marma, a central committee member,
and Nicolas Chakma and Apru Marma, president and general secretary of
DYF Khagrachari district unit respectively.

The were arrested early in the morning today from the houses of Priyo
Moy Chakma, an employee of CHT Development Board, and Uddipan Tripura,
a UNDP employee, at Tilapara of Babupara in Matiranga town.

Before making the arrests, hundreds of army personnel surrounded the
area at night. At dawn they searched the houses and arrested them. At
10am, the army handed them over to Matiranga police station.

The arrested DYF leaders had been working in Matiranga for over a week
to form a branch committee there through holding a youth conference.

Condemning the arrest, DYF leader Remin Chakma said, ‘It was designed
to foil today’s youth conference in Matiranga.’

However, despite their arrests the DYF held its scheduled conference
at Matiranga Model Government Primary School ground at 10am.

Presided over by Biplob Tripura, the conference was also addressed by
Ziko Tripura (not Marma), central committee member of DYF, Umesh
Chakma, general secretary of Hill Student’s Council Khagrachari
district unit, and Madri Chakma, president of Hill Women’s Federation
Khagrachari district unit.

The conference unanimously elected an 11-member convening committee
for DYF Matiranga unit with Pancha Sen Tripura and Joni Tripura as its
convener and member secretary respectively.

An update :

THE three Democratic Youth Forum leaders arrested yesterday in
Matiranga under Khagrachari district have been released, DYF sources
have said.

The DYF leaders – Ziko Marma, Nicolas Chakma and Apru Marma – were
released at 5:30pm the same day from Matiranga police station after
seven hours in custody.

A group of army men led by Lt. Mashud from Matiranga zone arrested
them early in the morning from Tilapara in Matiranga town.

“The police freed them because there was no allegation against them,”
Remin Chakma, a DYF leader, told chtnews.com. 

Jumma girl gang raped by settlers in Laxmichari

A JUMMA girl has been gang raped in Laxmichari under Khagrachari district on 1st february (Wednesday), sources said.
 The 17-year old girl was on her way to Manikchari along with one of her relatives today when the incident took place.

At 12 noon, a group of settler youths stopped their motorbike at Moghaichari, forcibly took her away into an isolated area and then raped her one by one.

The girl is a daughter of Noromya Chakma in the village of Dane Laxmichari uner Dulyatoli Union.
After hearing of the news, locals rescued her in senseless condition and informed the police about the incident.

Later Laxmichari Upazila chairman, UNO and Laxmichari Union Council chairman visited the place of occurrence and recovered a hairpin, a handkerchief, a black helmet and a towel from there.

The girl said four settler youths have raped her while his relative was tied and beaten up.
Laxmichari Sadar Union Council chairman Rajendra Chakma confirmed the incident and said, ‘We are preparing to lodge a case with the police.’

Residents of Laxmichari staged a demonstration in protest against the incident in the afternoon and submitted a memorandum to the Upazila Nirbahi Officer demanding immediate arrest of the culprits.
Ms Joymala Chakma, member of Laxmichari Union Council, led the demonstration.

According to locals, the suspects – Md Shamim, 18, son of Ratan Mian, Md Shahidul, 24, son of Khalil Mollah, Md. Rafiqul, 22, son of Imran Ali and Md. Reaz, 18, son of Ibrahim of Moghaichari cluster village - belong to Bangladesh Chattra League, the student wing of the Bangladesh Awami League.

Hill Women’s Federation has condemned the incident and urged the local administration to take immediate steps to bring the culprits to justice.

The news has also been covered on a online Bengali newspaper: http://www.banglanews24.com/detailsnews.php?nssl=c82b234a4dee98e19b0d5fdc9f5a787b&nttl=0202201285833
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source: chtnews.com

Buddhist temple attacked by Bengali settlers following death of a Bengali settler in Kaptai

Buddhist temple attacked by Bengali settlers following death of a Bengali settler in Kaptai

On 28 January 2012 at about 8:00 a.m. a Buddhist meditation centre (Kilachari Bidarshan Bhabana Prosikkon Kendra) of Harinchara Bill area of Bilaichari upazila bordering Kaptai upazila of Rangamati Hill District was attacked by a group of Bengali settlers numbering 20-30 following a killing case that was allegedly occurred in nearby that area. In the attack, different parts of the temple, images of Lord Buddha were broken down and valuables of temple were looted by the Bengali settlers who came from nearby settler areas.

It is alleged that the attack was led by Md. Barek s/o late Mannan, Md. Mahedul s/o Sheikh Kabiruddin, Kasem member s/o Shamsul Haq, Md. Mohar s/o Jalaluddin, Md. Ismail s/o Nehar Khan, Md. Tarekul s/o Abu Bakar Molla and Nazarul s/o Nehar Khan.


Sumanananda Bhikku, acting principal of the temple, alleged that he could narrowly escape as he took shelter in the jungle when attacked.

During the attack, the house and valuables of Bimal Chakma neighboring the Buddhist meditation centre have also become under breaking and looting of the Bengali settlers.


It is learnt that on 27 January 2012 one Agar (a medicinal tree) cultivator named Md. Shah Alam (45) was killed by unidentified miscreants at Harinchara Bill area. Following the killing, without any clue, nearby Bengali settlers indiscriminately attacked upon the Buddhist temple.

On 29 January 2012 a delegation of Parbatya Bhikku Sangha, an organization of Buddhist monks, led by Dharma Nanda Mahathera, vice-president of Central Committee, visited the spot.


Later, leaders of the Buddhist monks organised a press briefing at the Buddhist temple and demanded immediate punishment of the attackers through forming a probe committee and conducting proper investigation of the fact. They also condemned the killing of Md. Shah Alam. At that time, Nandiya Mahathera, Central Organising Secretary, Agrojyoti Sthavir, Publicity Secretary, Dharmananda Mahathera, President of Bilaichari branch, Arjya Lonker Thera, General Secretary, Headman Jyotin Chandra Tanchaungya, Milan Tanchaungya, member of Jibtali union were also present in the press briefing.

On that day, in the morning, Bilaichari Army Zone Commander Lt. Colonel Kaiser Hasan Malik also visited the spot and talked to indigenous and Bengali people. He gave the people assurance of arrest of the killer/s of Md. Shah Alam and compensation of damages of the Buddhist temple.
 
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courtesy: Kapaeeng Foundation